The morality play, of which Everyman is the best extant example, and the mystery play are the two principal kinds of medieval drama. The mystery play is a dramatic re-creation of a story from the Bible, its aim being the elucidation of the revelation therein. The morality play, by contrast, is an allegorical form, peopled by personified abstractions such as Beauty, Justice, and Fortitude and types such as Everyman, Priest, and King. Here the subject matter is admonitory, particularly concerning death. As Albert Baugh pointed out, it is difficult to discover precise sources for the subject matter or the dramatic method. There are, however, certain parallels with medieval sermons, which often bolstered moral exhortations with allegorical examples. Indeed, allegory is pervasive in medieval literature, as is, for that matter, concern for a happy death. It is not known, however, how these evolved into the particular form of the morality play.
Few morality plays have survived, and only Everyman remained sufficiently well regarded in later times to be dignified with performance. One reason for the unpopularity of the genre is the limitation of dramatic complication resulting from the static nature of the personifications. The characters are of necessity simple, and there is no possibility of change except perhaps in a central protagonist like Everyman. As a result, there can be little psychological insight and little diverse movement that invigorate earlier and later drama.
Like all forms of allegory, the method is essentially intellectual. The active involvement of the spectator is not through emotion so much as it is in the discovery of the meanings of characters and the significance of the configurations in which they are arranged. Allegory engages the mind and Everyman succeeds well in representing a complex, highly specific, theological system at the same time that it generates, by juxtaposition and order, sufficient immediacy to give force to the moral exhortation. The structure is elegant and compact. There is no attempt to catalog the deficiencies of Everyman’s past life; rather, the play focuses on the poignant hour of death and implies what Everyman is and what he ought to be at that critical moment.
Because of the allegorical method, it is easy to trivialize the significance of the play by reducing it to the identification of the personifications. To do so would be to miss the power of its abstractions and the complex view of life that is represented. A play about the reaction to imminent death, Everyman with its configurations of characters implies much about how life should be lived. God initiates the action with the premise that all human beings are to be called to give an account of their actions. As the plot develops, it would perhaps be more accurate to refer to the central character as Anyman, but the use of the name Everyman implies that the experience is not random, not what might happen, but paradigmatic of what will happen and how people ought to respond.
Everyman turns to his valued, habitual companions for comfort on his difficult and dangerous journey, but the play does not present a pageant of specific sins. Instead, Fellowship, Kindred, and Goods are summary abstractions, which are not particular sins in themselves but rather examples of the distractions that divert people away from positive direction toward God and salvation. Thus Everyman’s failures are represented not by a static series of vices but by the vital enticements that took too much of his attention. The conception is a Dantescan analysis of sin as a turning away from God.
In the theology of the play, salvation obviously cannot come by faith alone, since it is imperative that Everyman be accompanied to judgment by Good-Deeds. However, Good-Deeds is so infirm because of Everyman’s prior misdirection that a prior step is necessary: Everyman is entrusted to Knowledge for guidance. The implication is that knowledge of the institutional Church and its remedies is necessary for the successful living of the good life. Knowledge first directs Everyman to Confession, one of the tangible means of repentance and regeneration. Once Confession takes place, Good-Deeds begins to revive, as contrition and amendment free the accumulated merits of past virtuous actions.
Knowledge also summons other attainments, which can travel at least part way with Everyman. Beauty, Strength, Discretion, and Five Wits are all auxiliary human accomplishments that can help and comfort human beings along their way, though none can persevere to the final moment of judgment. As they fall away, one by one, the play presents the process of death. Beauty is obviously the first to depart in this telescoped version of an individual’s demise. Strength follows as life ebbs. The last of the attainments to leave is Five Wits, the sensual means through which human beings acquire whatever understanding they gain in life.
In the end, even Knowledge, the representative of the human intellect, which builds on sense and is a higher power than sense, cannot go the whole distance with Everyman. The respect for Knowledge in the play’s implied theological system is enormous: Knowledge plays the pivotal role in informing Everyman of the way to salvation. However, in the final analysis, only Good-Deeds can descend into the grave with Everyman because it is only the efficacious result of knowledge in right living that merits eternal reward.
An examination of the abstractions and their arrangement in Everyman reveals the complex shape of medieval Christianity. The play suggests a means to salvation everywhere consistent with the prescriptions of the medieval Church: There is an ultimate accountability, but human beings have the capacity, through faith and reason, to direct themselves toward God by using the institution of the Church, which enables them to do the good required of all.
Huey Long—"Every Man a King"
Background: Born in 1893 to middle-class parents in north-central Louisiana, Huey Long is best known as the populist governor of that state. Although Long showed early promise as a gifted student with a photographic memory, he dropped out of high school and soon became a successful salesman. Further, after no more than a year of formal study he took and passed the bar exam in 1915, then established his law practice in Winnfield, Louisiana. Later he would say, "My cases in Court were on the side of the small man—the underdog." Soon Long was beginning his political climb, on the State Railroad Commission, and later as chairman of the Public Services Commission. In that role, he sought to lower rates on essential "people services" such as telephone use, gas and electric power, and streetcar fares. Long ran for Governor in 1928, campaigning on a slogan from the late 19th century populist, William Jennings Bryan, "Every man a king, but no one wears a crown." Making education and attacks on powerful corporations his main themes, Long won the governorship by the largest margin in Louisiana history.
Introducing major reforms, including free textbooks and free night courses for adult learning, Long also launched a program to build a school within walking distance of every child in the state. Moreover, the Democratic governor improved the state’s infrastructure. When Long came to office the state had less than 350 miles of paved roads; during his tenure he paved 3000 miles of roads using money from a tax on gas. He supported the building of 111 bridges, a new airport in New Orleans, and a medical school at Louisiana State University (LSU). During his time in office, Long increased the taxes of large business in the state, especially the oil companies.
Despite impressive reforms, Long’s critics accused him of being a dictator, noting that he overcame virtually all opposition to his program of economic and social reform through intimidation and patronage. In 1929, he was impeached on charges of bribery and gross misconduct, but the state senate did not convict him by a narrow margin of just two votes. After that, his tactics became more ruthless and demagogic. Elected to the United States Senate in 1930, he refused to take his seat in that federal legislative body until he had assured the succession of one of his own supporters to the governor’s seat. From Washington, he continued to run the Louisiana government. By 1934 he began a reorganization of the state that all but abolished local government and gave himself the power to appoint all state employees.
In the early 30s, many outside of Louisiana became captivated by Long, whose colorful oratory, and promises of "every man a king" resonated with the poor during this Great Depression Era. Though he was a nominal Democrat, President Franklin D. Roosevelt considered Long a demagogue and privately said of him that "he was one of the . . . most dangerous men in America." Promising a redistribution of wealth through a plan of economic and social reform called "Share Our Wealth," Long envisioned himself as president. That plan was cut short when Dr. Carl A. Weiss assassinated him in the State Capitol Building in Baton Rouge on September 8, 1935. He is now buried on those Capitol grounds.
The students will:
• Describe Governor Huey Long’s "Share Our Wealth" program and assess its practicality as a means of reforming the lives of American citizens;
• Analyze the degree to which Long abused power to accomplish his reform agenda;
• Analyze to what degree the reform issues of the 1930s have been resolved by state, local, or federal government action since that era;
• Assess the meaning of populist reform movements such as those generated by Long, Coughlin, and Townsend as outgrowths of economic crisis;
• Compare Long’s "Share Our Wealth" goals with that of other reform movements such as those envisioned by late 19th century progressives, FDR’s New Deal, or Lyndon Johnson’s "Great Society."
Before students begin any of the activities below they will need to have some background about the life of Huey Long. If possible, have them view Ken Burns’s Huey Long.
You may also wish to define or review certain terms that often come up during a study of Long’s political career, including autocrat, demagogue, dictator, fascism,
gerrymandering, redistribution of wealth, and socialism. (See the section called "Definitions" after the list of activities below.)
"Share Our Wealth"—How Does That Work?
In 1930, Governor Huey Long was elected to the United States Senate. Although he had supported the presidency of Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1932, by 1934 Senator Long was claiming that the president’s New Deal had done little to alleviate the problems of the depression. Believing himself capable of becoming president, Long used the floor of the Senate to expound his views on the redistribution of wealth. His "Share Our Wealth" program—outlined in this February 5, 1934 speech before the Senate—best defines both Long’s view of the nation’s problems, and the specific solutions he envisioned for those woes.
Explain to students that Long’s "Share Our Wealth" plan had seven major points, paraphrased below:
1. To limit poverty by providing that every deserving family would share in the wealth of America.
2. To limit fortunes to a few million dollars so that the rest of the American people could share in the wealth and profits of the land.
3. To provide old-age pensions to persons over 60 who did not earn over a certain amount, or who possessed less than $10,000 in cash or property.
4. To limit the hours of work to such a degree that overproduction could be prevented, and workers could enjoy some of the recreations, conveniences, and luxuries of life.
5. To balance agricultural production with what could be sold and consumed.
[*To balance the problem of unemployment caused by limited agricultural production, farmers would complete public works projects during times when they were not required to produce farm products.]
6. To care for the veterans of our wars.
7. To acquire the tax dollars for running the government by reducing big fortunes.
Ask students to react to this simply stated plan, inviting them to consider its practicality, eliciting their ideas on how such a program might be carried out, and getting their opinions as to how such a plan would fit in our country’s traditional capitalistic society.
After this discussion, invite students to read the whole of Long’s "Share Our Wealth" speech (www.ssa.gov/history/longsen.html) given on the floor of the U.S. Senate. At the same site students can find other speeches by Long that incorporate variations of this plan. It will enrich the activity below if students read as many of these as time permits.
Ask students to work in groups of four or five, and have them set up notes, using one page for each of the seven points, organized in three categories:
1. Rationale: What problem will be solved by this step? Who will be affected? What’s wrong with current approaches?
2. Practical methods for carrying it out: Who will pay for it? Who will oversee or control the implementation of his plan?
3. Potential Problems: What might not work? For example, can farmers be expected to become public works employees?
After students have completed their analysis of Long’s speech, conduct a follow-up discussion by revisiting the questions asked at the beginning of the activity. After a closer look at Long’s ideas, how do they view his program? Elicit opinions.
As a follow up activity, divide students into teams and have each group choose any one of Long’s seven points and determine what improvements have been made in that area by either the local, state, or federal governments since 1934. Remind students to check www.congress.gov and specific state or county Web sites to gather information for completing the task. Search topics might include welfare reform, benefits for the elderly, agricultural production controls, benefits to veterans, and graduated income or corporate tax schedules.
Ask each group to produce a visual display in which they provide information about what progress has been made regarding a given point from Long’s plan, and use the display as a part of an oral presentation.
Based on students’ new collective learning, ask each of them to write a brief follow-up paper reacting to this statement of Senator Long before the U.S. Senate on January 14, 1935:
But my friends, unless we do share our wealth, unless we limit the size of the big man so as to give something to the little man, we can never have a happy or free people. God said so! He ordered it.
We have everything our people need. Too much of food, clothes, and houses. Why not let all have their fill and lie down in the ease and comfort God has given us. Why not? Because a few own everything—the masses own nothing.
"Every Man a King"
Huey Long seemed to have his own definition of wealth for American families. In his February 1934 speech he notes:
To share our wealth by providing for every deserving family to have one third of the average wealth would mean that, at the worst, such a family could have a fairly comfortable home, an automobile, and a radio, with other reasonable home conveniences, and a place to educate their children. Through sharing the work, that is, by limiting the hours of toil so that all would share in what is made and produced in the land, every family would have enough coming in every year to feed, clothe, and provide a fair share of the luxuries of life to its members.
Ask students to think about what it would take to satisfy Huey Long’s motto: "Every man a king, but no one wears a crown." Invite them to make a list of what each family should have, at a minimum, to be economically and socially comfortable. When students complete the list, read them Long’s definition of a wealthy family. Ask students whether or not our living standard is similar to, or different from, that of the 1930s. Where differences are noted, ask students to offer opinions as to why conditions have changed.
Throughout the 1930s Huey Long’s "Share Our Wealth" concept was not the only political movement gaining attention. Dr. Francis E. Townsend, an elderly California physician, led a movement of more than 5 million members by promoting a plan of federal pensions for the elderly. Father Charles E. Coughlin, a Catholic Priest, gained fame through weekly sermons broadcast over the radio. He supported monetary reforms that, among other things, would nationalize the banking system, and developed a political organization, the National Union for Social Justice.
After students have studied about Governor Huey Long, organize three groups and assign each to complete a research project about the political movement led by either Long, Coughlin, or Townsend. Provide each group with a set of questions worded to draw out key points about the background, issues, and permanent effects of the group’s particular leader. Ask the groups to explain their findings to the class, basing their presentations on the questions provided. As a whole class activity, ask students to make a compare and contrast chart featuring the three leaders.
After discussion, have the students write a brief response to the quote below.
Some said they represented the rise of fascism in the United States; other claimed they were . . . close to . . . communism. In fact, they were neither. They represented, rather, two competing popular sentiments; the urgent desire of many Americans for government assistance in this time of need, and their equally strong desire to protect their ability to control their own lives from the encroachments of large and powerful organizations.
(From American History, A Survey: Current, Williams, Freidel, and Brinkley, pg. 738.)
Other Voices; Other Times
Ask several groups of students to conduct research to compare the "Share Our Wealth" concepts of Huey Long with the aims and legislative outcomes of any one of these social reform efforts:
• The populist message of William Jennings Bryan;
• The Progressive Movement reforms of Robert LaFollette, Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson;
• The programs of the New Deal as envisioned by President Franklin D. Roosevelt;
• The goals of the Great Society advanced by President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Have students present their findings to the class. Afterwards, ask students to make a list of common goals or aims of each of these movements.
A Picture of Progress
Ask students to identify any act of the federal Congress since 1930 that has resulted in an improved quality of life for the "common people" of this country. Have students illustrate that gain through artistic expression—a poem, dance, drawing, painting, or sculpture. Organize a "Cavalcade of Progress" presentation in which the artistic renderings are featured. Use the presentation to help students see patterns of social change.
A "Long" Sound-Off
Raymond Gram Swing, in a January 1935 issue of Nation said of Huey Long,
Huey Long is the best stump speaker in America. He is the best political radio speaker, better even than President Roosevelt. Give him time on the air and let him have a week to campaign in each state, and he can sweep the country. He is one of the most persuasive men living.
If possible, use a video clip or taped clip of one of Long’s speeches so students can get a flavor for his oratory. Ask students to brainstorm current important issues relating to social, political, or economic circumstances that they feel very strongly about. Ask each to prepare a "stump speech" in support of their cause, using strong examples, statistical data, and emotional language. As a variation, record the speeches on tape and play them to the class, so students can get a feel for the power of radio, a medium of communication most used by Long.
After students hear the speeches, have them determine who among their classmates might be elected "Most Likely to Persuade." Invite a discussion regarding how rhetorical devices can be used in both positive and negative ways to shape our thinking.
Though Huey Long always called himself the champion of the people, many of his critics accused him of seizing dictatorial powers in Louisiana. By the time he became a U.S. Senator in 1930, he controlled almost every aspect of the state’s government. Raymond Gram Swing, in The Nation (January, 1935) noted:
He is not a fascist . . . He is a dictator. He rules, and opponents had better stay out of his way. He punishes all who thwart him with grim, relentless, efficient vengeance.
Yet Swing goes on to say,
One does not understand the problem of Huey Long or measure the menace he represents to American democracy until one admits that he has done a vast amount of good for Louisiana. He has this to justify all that is corrupt and preemptory in his methods. Taken all in all, I do not know any man who has accomplished so much that I approve of in one state in four years, at the same time that he has done so much that I dislike. It is a thoroughly perplexing, paradoxical record.
After students have studied about Long as governor, ask them to make two lists—one outlining the good things that Long accomplished, for example, free textbooks for school children; and a second one, listing his methods for achieving almost total power. At the end of the exercise ask students to write an essay using a starter sentence of their choice from the list below:
• Huey Long was a person who fought all of his life to better the living standards of the poor people of his state.
• Huey Long was a demagogue, constantly stirring up the emotions of the people, and, in the end, accomplishing little of permanent value.
• Although Huey Long made certain needed changes in his state that were beneficial to the "poorest of the poor," he was a dangerous man whose philosophy mocked the Constitution and the Bill of Rights.
All the King’s Men
In 1946, Robert Penn Warren’s novel All the King’s Men was published. It was loosely based on the life and career of Huey Long. In 1949, a film by the same title, and adapted from the book, was released. After studying about Huey Long, consider having an after-school movie party, complete with popcorn, to view of All the King’s Men. Ask students to compare the character of Willie Stark to Huey Long. Invite students to discuss what they believe the film teaches about power and its uses. (Note: Although the film is unrated, it is considered PG-13; thus, you should consider getting school and parental permission for the viewing.)
Autocrat: A ruler or leader having absolute or unrestricted power; a despot.
Demagogue: A leader who obtains power by means of impassioned appeals to the emotions and prejudices of the people. In ancient times a man who championed the cause of the people.
Dictator: One holding complete autocratic control over a nation or state, often ruling through tactics of oppression.
Fascism: A philosophy, movement, or regime characterized by an autocratic government headed by a dictatorial leader, severe economic and social regimentation, and forcible suppression of opposition. A state that emphasizes the exalting of nation or a particular race above the individual.
Gerrymandering: The practice of drawing a voting district’s boundaries so as to favor the party in power.
Redistribution of wealth: A reorganizing of economic processes that would change significantly "who gets what" from a nation’s real and potential wealth.
Socialism: A system in which the government owns the basic factors of production. Government planners make decisions about production, distribution, and the use of resources within certain industries such as railroads and banking. In concept, the goal of socialism is a more equal distribution of wealth among the people.
Huey Long's Senate Speeches
This site provides excellent information about Huey Long including: Excerpts from his first and second autobiographies, three complete speeches given by Long in the United States Senate; the official U.S. Senate biography of Long, and an article about Long’s hand-picked successor, Gerald K. Smith.
Spartacus Educational Web site
This site provides biographical material about Long with many links to related subjects; in addition, you’ll find primary source excerpts from some of Long’s contemporaries.
Huey Long: Sharing Our Wealth
This features a radio address by Huey Long that aired in January 1935.
Nevada Virtual High School
This article emphasizes methods Long used to gain almost dictatorial powers in Louisiana.
The Law and Politics Book Review
This Web site provides information about the case, American Press Co. v. Grosjean in which Long’s tax on newspaper advertising—an attempt to control newspapers who opposed him— was ruled unconstitutional.
Louisiana Secretary of State
A brief history of Long’s life and career.
Brinkley, Alan. Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin and the Great Depression. New York: McGraw Hill Co., 1983.
Current, Richard, and T. Harry Williams, Frank Freidel, and Alan Brinkley. American History: A Survey. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1983.
Hair, William Ivy. The Kingfish and His Realm: The Life and Times of Huey P. Long. Baton Rouge: Baton Rouge Louisiana University Press, 1991.
Long, Huey P. Every Man a King: The Autobiography of Huey P. Long. New Orleans: National Book Company, 1933.
Warren, Robert Penn, and Joseph Blotner. All the King’s Men. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1981.
About the Author
Rachel Thompson is a curriculum specialist and writer, and is currently the Educational Outreach Director at the George C. Marshall International Center. Mrs. Thompson recently completed a series of lessons for the Web site of the White House Historical Association, www.whitehousehistory.org, and for WETA's educational site, www.exploredc.org. She has written teachers guides for many WETA video productions, and for educational projects of USA Today, Time-Life, and the Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt Institute. Before becoming an educational writer, Mrs. Thompson was for thirty-one years a U.S. History and American Government teacher. Her undergraduate degree is from Carson-Newman College in East Tennessee, and she received her Masters in Secondary Social Studies Curriculum at George Mason University, Fairfax, Virginia.